The diverse geographies of rural gentrification in Scotland
Introduction
Rural gentrification represents an emerging research agenda. As a concept it is much less understood than its urban counterpart, which itself has been much debated in the academic literature. However, one could argue that the literature on rural migration, and specifically counterurbanisation, has indirectly been investigating rural gentrification for some time but has largely failed to make this explicit conceptual link. Indeed the term gentrification is reported (Redfern, 2003) to invoke a rural imagery. It is now more than thirty years since the redistribution of national populations in favour of less urbanised and more rural areas was first identified in many western countries (Berry, 1978, Fielding, 1989, Rees et al., 1996). Key features of this counterurbanisation phenomenon include increasing residential mobility, countryside lifestyle preferences, and the involvement of highly educated, qualified and affluent – that is, middle-class – migrants. Indeed many authors allege that rural places are becoming the preserve of affluent new middle-class incomers (Cloke et al., 1995) with Phillips (1998) reporting a colonisation of rural areas by professional and managerial service classes. Hoggart, 1997, Hoggart, 1998 disputes this view claiming that middle class-dominance in the countryside has been exaggerated and, in doing so, sparked a debate with Abram, 1998, Abram, 1999. Other, essentially negative, consequences of counterurbanisation are also reported: rising rural house prices and associated issues of local affordability (Gilligan, 1987, Shucksmith, 1981); a commuting rural population who contribute little to the rural economy or society (Glyn-Jones, 1979); a tendency by incomers to takeover the running of local activities/events (Murdoch and Day, 1998); and the emergence of nimby-ism (Murdoch and Marsden, 1994). Similar detrimental effects were also commonly reported in early gentrification studies (Slater, 2006).
This paper focuses on the possible gentrification of the Scottish countryside. It explores empirical data for evidence of gentrification among rural in-migration flows and in particular seeks to unravel the processes in terms of migrant/gentrifier decision-making and associated consequences. The findings have relevance to contemporary debates on gentrification, which are introduced (alongside their rural parallels) in the following section. There then follows an explanation of the research methodology, before embarking on a discussion of the main findings. The final section of the paper highlights how gentrification of the Scottish countryside can inform contemporary theoretical debate.
Section snippets
Gentrification debates
There exists an extensive literature on gentrification. As a term first coined by Glass (1964), gentrification has been the subject of a plethora of academic debate of which much relates to an urban context. Indeed researchers have been slow to recognise its potential for fruitful rural research, with Phillips, 1993, Phillips, 2004 and Smith, 2002a, Smith, 2002b having arguably led the way. It is not the intention here to rehearse fully the complexity of theoretical debates (see for example
Methodology
Central to this investigation is a definition of gentrifiers. By and large, the literature points to social class, and specifically middle-class, as being a defining characteristic. For example, Butler (1997) defines gentrification as the social transformation of an area by the middle classes, while Warde (1991) alleges that without socio-demographic transformation, a process other than gentrification is occurring. Middle-class, however, is a notoriously difficult concept to define and
Characteristics
The annual (pre-tax) income of the heads (self defined) of migrant and non-migrant households is displayed on Table 1. Statistically significant differences are observed between the two samples. An individual earning no more than £10,000 (approximately 13,000 Euro1) per annum heads one in every two non-migrant households. By contrast, one third of migrant households are headed by an individual earning in excess of £20,000 per annum, with one in four
Conclusion
Gentrification is a much contested concept (Phillips, 2005, Redfern, 1997, Redfern, 2003, Slater, 2006). Debates commonly reported centre on the theorisation of gentrification (and especially the role of productive, consumptive and integrated approaches), whether displacement is a defining characteristic or not (Cameron, 1992, Butler, 2007), the form of residential development associated with gentrification (with the inclusion of new build particularly debated (Phillips, 2002)), and the
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to Martin Phillips (Leicester) for his comments on an earlier book chapter from which this paper has subsequently evolved. Special thanks also go to the three anonymous referees for their thought provoking detailed reviews.
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